La macro-économie et marchés
Most Ghanaians describe their country’s economic condition and their own living conditions as “bad” or “very bad,” the latest Afrobarometer survey shows.
The findings also indicate that nearly four in 10 Ghanaians are pessimistic about economic conditions in the coming year. The data is being released as Ghana engages with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other development partners in an effort to boost international confidence and solicit support for the country's programme for economic stabilization and growth.
Ghana’s government performed poorly on the economic management scorecard of most citizens, according to the findings of a new Afrobarometer survey.
The latest Afrobarometer findings reveal that Ghanaians want the government to give top priority to managing the economy – a shift in policy priorities from 2005, 2008, and 2012 Afrobarometer surveys, in which unemployment was the leading policy priority of most Ghanaians.
Most Namibians think that the economy has been well managed over the years, but at the same time, they think that the government has failed in creating enough jobs and narrowing income gaps. Successive Afrobarometer surveys have shown that the Namibian economy is managed well (62% in 2012, 60% in 2008, and 76% in 2006).
Although a majority of Basotho say the country’s and their personal economic conditions are bad, they are increasingly hopeful that things will improve in the coming year, according to a new Afrobarometer survey.
A strong majority (78%) reported the country was heading in the wrong direction, according to the latest Afrobarometer survey held in March 2014. Malawians perceptions on which direction the country is heading to, and perceptions about their living economic conditions were collected as part of the Afrobarometer Round 6 Survey.
Despite annual economic growth rates averaging of 7%, a majority of Tanzanians say their current living conditions are bad, according to the 2014 Afrobarometer survey.
Negative public perceptions of the country’s economic condition are also significantly higher than a decade ago.
A majority of Zimbabwean citizens strongly support encouraging foreign direct investment in comparison with the indigenisation of the economy as a means to create jobs. An overwhelming majority (72%) subscribe to the sentiment that foreign direct investment is the way to go in terms of rejuvenating the Zimbabwean economy.
More than six in ten (63%) adult Zimbabweans think that the country is heading in the wrong direction, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey (November 2014). This pessimistic outlook is shared across demographic groups of gender, age, place of residence (POR) and province though the depth of opinion differs. For example, while nearly three quarters of urban dwellers (73%) expressed pessimism, less than six in ten of their rural dwellers (58%) share this view and more males (67%) than females (60%) say the country is going the wrong way.
In the Round 5 Afrobarometer survey in Uganda, 74% of Ugandans said the country was headed in the wrong direction. This was a dramatic change from just one year earlier, when 28% said Uganda was headed in the wrong direction. Analysis of these findings suggests that this perception is fuelled by several factors, including dissatisfaction with prevailing economic conditions and declining personal living conditions (see Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 101).
Un Togolais sur trois choisit le modèle de développement des Etats-Unis comme le meilleur pour le futur du Togo, selon la plus récente enquête nationale d’Afrobaromètre.
La France, ancienne puissance coloniale, n’arrive qu’en quatrième position, derrière les USA, la Chine, et l’Afrique du Sud, au rang des pays dont les Togolais aimeraient suivre l’exemple de développement.
Mais la majorité des Togolais pensent que c’est la France qui a le plus d’influence sur le Togo.
Based on comparative analysis of original survey data from Ghana, Zambia and South Africa, this paper assesses the attitudes of African citizens towards democracy. Is democracy valued intrinsically (as an end in itself) or instrumentally (e.g., as a means to improving material living standards)? We find as much popular support for democracy in Africa as in other Third-Wave regions, but less satisfaction with the performance of elected governments.
Less than a year after the inauguration of a new democratic government, the attitudes of Nigerians towards democracy and markets were tested in a national sample survey conducted in early 2000. The findings reveal a fervent attachment to democratic values in Nigeria, as well as a remarkably high assessments of the new regime’s performance. Whether these views reflect a durable consensus, or merely temporary “transition euphoria” that may yet be undermined by the difficulties of achieving real political and economic change remains to be seen.
Surveys of Ugandan attitudes toward democracy and markets suggest that the country has achieved differential forms of success in the political and economic spheres, and that it faces different challenges in each. In the political arena, considerable progress has been made in mobilizing mass participation, but political competition has yet to be adequately guaranteed. This may not be surprising given that Ugandans, more than most fellow Africans, associate democracy with preserving social peace and national unity.
On 29 June 2000, Ugandans faced an historic choice. They went to the polls to select a form of government for their country. The referendum question asked citizens to choose between an existing >movement= system and a >multiparty= system. At stake in the vote was the popularity of the >no-party= political arrangements that have evolved in Uganda over the last fifteen years, bringing to the country a measure of stability and growth.
The Afrobarometer contributes new insights into the nature, extent, and sources of popular economic ortientations in Southern Africa. Surveys conducted in seven countries in 1999-2000 indicate that mass publics do not automatically reject the constituent policies of structural adjustment or the economic values that underlie them. Public opinion varies greatly and cannot be neatly characterized as simply pro- or anti-reform. Nor do people derive their economic values and attitudes from their own immediate material circumstances.
Botswana is the longest surviving democracy in Southern Africa, which others often seek to emulate. In order to observe popular satisfaction with democratization, an Afrobarometer survey was conducted in Botswana in 2000. The results reflect long-standing democratic values and the firm entrenchment of democratic institutions. Bastswana demonstrate their satisfaction with democracy and the legitimacy of the state, by claiming that the government exercises power within legal means and equally represents the interests of all citizens.
The second in a series of public opinion surveys in Nigeria on popular attitudes toward democracy and markets was conducted in August 2001. The findings indicate that in the 18 months since the first survey was conducted shortly after the 1999 transition to democracy, Nigerians have come "down to earth" in their assessments of the country's political conditions as post-transition euphoria has given way to greater political realism.
Among both scholars and visitors, Cape Verde is typically labeled an African exception. Since independence, the island nation has had no wars; its levels of corruption and urban violence are low by African standards; and power has alternated between two parties. The peaceful and negotiated nature of Cape Verde's transition to and practice of democracy is a distinct trait of Capeverdean politics.
This paper tests some of Robert Cox's theories of political and social transformation using data from Round 1 (1999-2001) surveys in seven Southern African countries. Cox categorizes individuals as either "marginalised," "precarious" or "integrated" with respect to the political and economic world order, and hypothesizes that those who are marginalized or excluded are more inclined to pose a challenge to the status quo than the precarious and integrated.
Do Kenyans vote according to ethnic identities or policy interests? Based on results from a national probability sample survey conducted in December 2007, this article shows that, while ethnic origins drive voting patterns, elections in Kenya amount to more than a mere ethnic census. We start by reviewing how Kenyans see themselves, which is mainly in non-ethnic terms. We then report on how they see others, whom they fear will organize politically along ethnic lines. People therefore vote defensively in ethnic blocs, but not exclusively.
The Afrobarometer has developed an experiential measure of lived poverty (how frequently people go without basic necessities during the course of a year) that measures a portion of the central core of the concept of poverty not captured by existing objective or subjective measures. Empirically, the measure has strong individual level construct validity and reliability within any cross national round of surveys. Yet it also displays inconsistent levels of external validity as a measure of aggregate level poverty when compared to other objective, material measures of poverty or well being.