Almost two years after Ghana's first-ever peaceful transfer of power between political parties in the December 2002 elections, this national study of public opinion seeks to assess political and economic conditions in the country. It evaluates the extent to which democracy and market reforms are taking root, and explores what the people say about current political and economic developments.
La macro-économie et marchés
This report briefly summarizes the findings of a 1999 national opinion survey in Zambia that measured public attitudes toward democratic and economic reforms. It finds that while Zambians are supportive of “democracy as a value,” their participation in “democracy as a system” is low. They display very low attachment to political parties, and voter turnouts are also quite low. Zambians are the least likely of all Southern Africans to feel that they can make things better through voting and elections.
China’s relationship with Africa, formalized in the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), has received considerable attention and debate. Critics consider it lopsided and exploitative, giving China access to natural resources, jobs for its labourers, and markets for its traders while undermining efforts to promote democracy and human rights on the continent, exacerbating corruption, and creating unsustainable debt (Green, 2019; Brautigam, 2010; Shinn & Brown, 2012; Albert, 2020). But others see it as more multifaceted with benefits for both sides (Mugabe, 2015; Brown, 2012).
En plus d’être confrontés à d’immenses défis sécuritaires et humanitaires depuis quelques années, les Burkinabè font face à une situation économique difficile. Même avant l’arrivée de la pandémie de la COVID-19, la croissance du produit intérieur brut (PIB) réel annuel du pays s’est ralentie en 2019, et le secteur agricole, qui emploie 80% de la population active, a été caractérisé par une campagne déficitaire en ce qui concerne la production céréalière (Institut National de la Statistique et de la Démographie, 2019).
Malawi is among the poorest countries in the world; about half of its population lives below the poverty line (United Nations Development Programme, 2019; National Statistical Office, 2017). Heavily dependent on agriculture, its economy is susceptible to climate and other shocks (World Bank, 2019). Although annual economic growth averaged 4% between 1971 and 2017, this growth fluctuated between a high of 14% in 1971 and a low of -11% in 1994 (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2019).
In July 2019, Survey Warehouse, Afrobarometer's national partner in Namibia, launched a weekly series of brief newspaper columns based on Round 7 survey findings and designed to raise awareness of issues that may have a bearing on voters and parties leading up to the November general election.
Someone compared the Namibian economy to a boxer backed-up into a corner taking a pounding. A standing eight-count is inevitable; there is no plan for escape.
Times are tough. Namibians are desperate for relief.
Africa’s second-largest economy has been struggling. High unemployment (27.1% overall) has reached frightening levels among South Africa’s youth (54.7%). Rising prices for fuel and basic commodities have eroded consumers’ purchasing power. The kickstart provided by the 2010 World Cup is a fond memory, as gross domestic product (GDP) growth sputtered and all but stalled, at 0.6%, by 2016 (International Monetary Fund, 2018; IOL, 2018).
D’après la plus récente enquête Afrobaromètre au Sénégal, l’industrie minière contribue à la création d’emplois et au développement local mais également elle dégrade l’environnement, profite aux sociétés minières étrangères, et manque de transparence.
L’accès aux ressources minières et énergétiques offre un avantage comparatif important pour le développement socioéconomique. Plusieurs pays se sont installés durablement sur le sentier de la croissance économique en exploitant à bon escient les ressources de leurs sous-sol.
La majorité des Gabonais désapprouvent la gouvernance économique de leur pays et sont pessimistes par rapport à l’amélioration des conditions économiques, selon la récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre au Gabon.
This paper seeks to present a snapshot of what ordinary Liberians think about the country’s current economic conditions, their appraisals of the government’s efforts to manage the economy, and their perceptions of how the country’s economic situation is changing over time, using data from the first Afrobarometer survey conducted in Liberia in 2008.
In this Briefing Paper, we find that even with the significant growth that Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced over the past decade, as of 2008 lived poverty (or the extent to which people regularly go without basic necessities) is still extensive. It has declined in 9 of the Afrobarometer countries for which we have over time data during this period, it has increased in 6 countries. We find that cross-national differences in economic growth help explain differing country trajectories in lived poverty.
After many years of crisis in the 1970s and 1980s, reforms to the Ugandan economy ensured that it gained a reputation for slow but steady growth, macroeconomic stability, and sound economic fundamentals. Since 2000 Uganda’s per capita GDP growth has averaged close to two percent per year. During the same period, Uganda maintained single digit inflation (with the exception of 2009 when inflation was 14 percent). Throughout its recent history, analysts have praised Uganda’s sound macroeconomic management and relatively business-friendly environment.
For nearly a decade, Zimbabweans were in the throes of a multi-layered and multi-faceted crisis resulting in great material deprivations and mass despondency. By 2005 Zimbabwe had the fastest shrinking economy in the world and the purchasing power of the average Zimbabweans had fallen to levels last seen more than a half century before . But now there are signals of green shoots of recovery and Zimbabweans are beginning to exude hope. The mass citizenry appears to be clambering from the bottom of the abyss.
High levels of unemployment, coupled with low salaries and poor conditions of service for most of the few people in formal employment, is a serious source of concern for many Zambian citizens. The rise in fuel prices, especially during the period 2006 to towards the end of 2008, among other things, resulted in price increases of essential goods and services. The closure of some companies, including some mining companies, following the world economic recession, resulted in many job losses, further weakening livelihood opportunities for many Zambians.
Ghana’s economy has remained quite robust since 2005, notwithstanding the energy crises of 2006 and hikes in the prices of petroleum products. Real GDP growth increased from about 5.8 percent in 2005 to 6.2 percent in 2006 and available information (based on September 2007 data) projects real GDP growth at 6.3 percent.
Tanzanians are unhappy with the country’s economic conditions and their own living conditions, and they still experience high levels of lived poverty. Indeed, poverty at the individual level is a good part of the explanation for economic dissatisfaction. These are some of the key findings of the most recent Afrobarometer survey conducted in Tanzania between 21 July and 13 August, 2005.
Do popular assessments of the Government of Botswana’s performance match these high ratings offered by the international community? To find out, the Afrobarometer sought to elicit popular evaluations of government effectiveness on the issues that matter to Batswana. Overall, Batswana are of the view that the economy is well managed but there are challenges.
In 2008, Madagascans tended to hold a somewhat mixed and increasingly dim view of the state of their national economy. 28% of Madagascans thought their economy was in a poor state and 24% viewed it as healthy – 11 percentage points lower than in 2005. The remaining 48% had no definite opinion, indicating a degree of perplexity concerning the general state of the economy. An even greater cause for concern is Madagascans’ distinctly negative view of their personal living standards.
The East African Community was originally comprised of three countries: Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. These three states have a history of cooperation dating back to the early 20th century, including the Customs Union between Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which Tanzania (then Tanganyika) joined in 1927, the East Africa High Commission (1948-1961), the East African Common Services (1961-1967) and the East African Community (1967-1977). The East African Community collapsed in 1977 largely as a result of political differences among the member states.
Despite the socio-political and economic achievements of Mauritius, there is a palpable feeling that the benefits of development have not been evenly distributed among residents of the country’s two main islands, Mauritius and Rodrigues. While citizens of the main island of Mauritius have benefitted from the economic growth of recent years, the economy on the island of Rodrigues continues to be heavily reliant on agriculture, fishing and a small tourism industry.
This briefing paper focuses on unemployment in Zambia. Drawing on official statistics and data from the latest Afrobarometer survey (2013), the paper begins by clarifying the concept of unemployment in as far as it is used in Zambia. It then presents the official status of unemployment as measured by the Labor Force Survey. This metric of unemployment is contrasted with perceptions of Zambians on their employment status measured by the Afrobarometer survey.
A wide policy disjuncture exists both inside and outside Zimbabwe’s coalition government regarding the best way to empower the country’s citizens. Empowerment is a popular war cry among most former colonies, especially those that were under a settler regime as was the case in many Southern African countries, including Zimbabwe. The crux of the problem is how best to more evenly redistribute national wealth and resources between the former colonising minority and the indigenous majority population. In Southern Africa, the former were invariably white and the latter predominantly black.
This briefing paper assesses citizens’ perceptions of their economic well-being, government’s economic performance and public and social services delivery using the first Afrobarometer survey data collected in Sierra Leonean in 2012.
This briefing paper discusses Zambian citizens’ perceptions of the country’s economic performance, as well as the government’s management of the economy. The discussion is set in the context of official and aggregate figures on the country’s economic performance. The main finding is that though the economy has been growing since 2000, the majority of Zambians have not been perceiving changes in the performance of the economy for most of this period, except in 2013.
This briefing paper examines popular Ghanaian opinions on economic and living conditions using Ghana Round 5 Afrobarometer survey data. The paper further explores factors driving Ghanaians’ optimistic views regarding future economic and living conditions.
Academic and policy researchers in Botswana have been unanimous in their analysis of Botswana’s economic shape. Dubbed an “economic miracle” by some (Samatar, 1999) and a “shining example” by others, Botswana continues to enjoy praise for its economic performance. Even against the projected economic slowdown due to the on- going global economic crisis, Botswana’s economy is said to be doing well as witnessed by its 8.0 percent GDP growth in 2011.
The current East African Community (EAC) was formally launched in 2001 comprising of Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. In 2007, the community expanded to include Rwanda and Burundi. Within this regional framework, the grouping has achieved two primary stages of integration: a Customs Union (2005) and Common Market (2010). Nevertheless, despite apparenteconomic progress, there are inter-state agreement and national implementation challenges which have negatively impacted upon further bargaining between the EAC partner states.
Ghana began implementing neo-liberal economic reforms in the mid 1980s under the quasi-military Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC) administration led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings. The two administrations of Ghana’s Fourth Republic - the democratically elected Rawlings-National Democratic Congress (NDC) and its successor, the John Kufuor-New Patriotic Party (NPP) – have continued to pursue the same broad program of market-oriented reforms.