This briefing paper focuses on Batswana’s support for democracy, and the extent to which such support could be attributed to strengthening of democracy in Botswana. It also focuses on the constitution as a symbol of republicanism and foundation of democratic rule. In particular, the following explores the relationship between the support for democracy, institutionalized democratic institutions and existence of the bogosi (chieftainship) as a social and political institution.
South Africans embarked on majoritarian, multiparty politics in 1994 facing a host of complex issues, including high expectations from the newly enfranchised black majority, and fears of what these changes would bring among many in the white minority. Almost a decade later, how have South African’s perceptions of their country’s problems evolved? To what extent have their expectations – or their fears – been realized, and how successfully is the current government coping with the issues that matter most in the eyes of the public?
How has the standing of South Africa’s political parties changed, especially in response to recent turmoil within regional party systems?
A recent Afrobarometer survey conducted from September-October 2002 offers some insights. This survey reveals that despite the continued dominance of the African National Congress (ANC), support for all parties in South Africa has declined since 2000 in terms of respondents’ expressions of their voting intentions.
Ugandans are divided on the major questions of political transition, according to a survey just released by the Afrobarometer and the International Republican Institute. While Ugandans overall are almost evenly split about the political direction for the country, urban dwellers and men tend to favor a multiparty system and presidential term limits. A majority of Ugandans are opposed to the creation of a regional tier of governments.
Do men and women in Uganda think differntly about the political transition underway in their country?
At first glance, the Round 3 Afrobaromter survey of a random sample of 2400 adult Ugandans in April/May 2005 seems to reveal substantial gender gaps in public opinion on key political and constitutional questions. This brief paper reports the extent of, and trends in, these gaps. It also explores, in preliminary fashion, whether differences in opinion between men and women are due to gender or some other social characteristic, such as education.
Ghana began implementing neo-liberal economic reforms in the mid 1980s under the quasi-military Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC) administration led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings. The two administrations of Ghana’s Fourth Republic - the democratically elected Rawlings-National Democratic Congress (NDC) and its successor, the John Kufuor-New Patriotic Party (NPP) – have continued to pursue the same broad program of market-oriented reforms.
The 1992 Constitution of the Republic of Ghana that came into effect in January 1993 provides the basic charter for the country's fourth attempt at republican democratic government since independence in 1957. It declares Ghana to be a unitary republic with sovereignty residing in the Ghanaian people. The constitution is the supreme law of the land and provides for the sharing of powers among a President, a Parliament, a Cabinet, a Council of State, and an independent judiciary.
Under the auspices of the Afrobarometer, IfESOR conducted a nation-wide survey of political opinions and attitudes in Malawi between 15th June and 3rd July 2005. A nationally representative sample of 1200 respondents drawn from all the districts in the countrywas interviewed. In this paper, we use Afrobarometer data to investigate the Malawians’ views on government responsiveness and accountability.
In mid-May 2005, the Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) launched, with little advance warning, a massive ‘urban clean up’ campaign. The exercise was code-named “Operation Murambatsvina/ Restore Order” hereafter referred to as OM. Murambatsvina is a Shona word meaning literally: “one who refuses dirt.” Initially, there were two separate ‘operations’, one on “Murambatsvina” and the second on “restoring order” but the two imperceptibly fused in the process of implementation and the twin campaigns are now commonly referred to as one. What do Zimbabweans think about this crackdown?
Kenya’s NARC government rode to victory in the 2002 elections in part on the coalition’s promise to tackle the country’s deeply-rooted corruption problem. Prior to the transition, Kenya was perceived as a virtual international pariah due to extreme levels of corruption, leading the IMF to freeze its lending to Kenya in 1997. In 2002, Kenya ranked 96th out of 102 countries according to Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), with a score of 1.9 out of 10.
The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition (NARC) came to power in Kenya in early 2003 after an election in which it had promised, among other things, to end corruption, institute free primary education, democratize the constitution, and foster economic regeneration. Apart from introducing free primary education, the government’s other main achievement seems to be its contribution to boosting economic growth. According to official statistics, the Kenyan economy grew by about 4.3% in 2004, and is projected to have grown by 5.8% in 2005.
- Social services constitute the most important problems government should address.
- Health and education are citizens’ top investment priorities.
- Ugandans are dissatisfied with government performance in social-service delivery, the economy, agriculture, and governance.
Social services – particularly health and education – are the most important problems that the Ugandan government should address, according to respondents in a recent nationwide Afrobarometer survey.
Substantial proportions of the population are dissatisfied with the way the government has handled health care and social-services provision, as well as the economy, agriculture, and governance issues. Less than half of Ugandans think their local government is maintaining local roads and local market places well.
Findings at a glance:
Government Performance: Half of Swazis say unemployment is the most important issue government should address. Current survey data shows this as a growing concern amongst Swazis.
Judiciary: Confidence in the judicial system low with only 26% of Swazis being confident with the Chief Justice.
Economic Conditions: Swazis are optimistic about the country’s economic conditions; 56% expect them to improve over the next 12 months.
Les différents évènements qui se sont déroulés en Côte d’Ivoire ont fait régner un climat d’insécurité dans la vie des Ivoiriens. Les forces de l’ordre, plus précisément la police et la gendarmerie, n’arrivent plus à mettre en confiance la population.
Les hommes politiques se servent de la population, surtout de la jeunesse, afin d’atteindre leurs buts. Cela conduit souvent à des violences et dans le pire des cas à une guerre civile, à laquelle les Ivoiriens ont déjà été victimes.
The post-2015 sustainable development discourse has emphasized the need for a more inclusive and participatory policy framework projecting the voices of the people in policy-making and implementation processes. Some commentators have argued that while the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have achieved some poverty reduction, the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) should be better designed to enhance the living standards of the people. Yet not much has been done to create the necessary space for citizens’ voices to be heard.
Women are mostly marginalised in African political processes, but they have one key area of equality with their menfolk, and that is in voting: The ballot does not discriminate, even if the results of the balloting frequently do not meet the expectations of the voter.
Malawians value Parliament’s legislative and oversight role but are highly critical of the performance of parliamentarians, according to the latest Afrobarometer survey.
One of the critical challenges facing African countries today is how to make governments work for the people – using resources at their disposal efficiently, delivering public goods and services, and guaranteeing an equitable distribution of opportunities and national income among citizens. In many places, systems of checks and balances have not lived up to expectations in making state institutions deliver such public goods. As a result, citizen participation in government oversight is now recognized as almost indispensable.
Batswana express support for a law on declaration of assets and want the president and officials to appear before Parliament to account, according to the findings of the latest Afrobarometer survey. The survey, conducted in June 2014, also reveals that just over half of Batswana say that the level of corruption has increased over the past year.
Despite more than half (58%) of Batswana’s positive views in 2014 on the economic direction of their country, a fifth (21%) are pessimistic of the future, anticipating worsening national economic conditions in the next 12 months, according to the latest Afrobarometer study.
Overall, unemployment is identified by 58% of citizens as one of the most important problems affecting Batswana. This was the most frequently stated problem by a significant margin. Since the 2003 Afrobarometer survey, Batswana continue to point to unemployment as the most
Whilst the president and traditional leaders are the most trusted figures in Botswana’s institutions, other bodies are trusted much less, for example Parliament, the ruling party and opposition parties, according to a new Afrobarometer study.
At the same time government performance is said to have declined in 2014 compared to previous years when Afrobarometer conducted surveys in Botswana.
If elections were held in June or July 2014, the majority of Batswana would have voted for the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). The Botswana Congress Party (BCP) would consolidate its position as the strongest opposition party. The coalition of opposition parties, the Umbrella for
Democratic Change (UDC) would have won 13%. The coalition consists of the Botswana Movement for Democracy (which broke away from the ruling party), the Botswana National Front and the Botswana People's Party.
<p> Findings on evaluations of the economy and national government from the Round 5 (2012) survey in Sierra Leone.</p><p><a href="/sites/default/files/media-briefing/sierra-leone/srl_r5_presentation1.pdf" target="_blank">Download the full document</a></p>