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Social capital


Muitos cabo-verdianos têm acesso a dispositivos de e-learning, mas persistem desvantagem de pobreza e de residência rural

Muitos cabo-verdianos têm acesso a ferramentas para e-learning durante a pandemia do COVID-19 – televisões, rádios, telemóveis, e computadores – mas as gentes dos meios rurais e os pobres estão em desvantagem significativa, conforme mostra uma nova pesquisa do Afrobarometer.

A maioria dos telemóveis em utilização no país tem acesso à Internet, e a maioria dos cidadãos utilizadores permanece online todos os dias, segundo a pesquisa. Mas ainda existem grandes diferenças entre as áreas rural-urbana e a pobreza na propriedade de dispositivos, acesso à Internet, e uso da Internet.


Many Cabo Verdeans have access to e-learning devices, but rural-urban and poverty gaps persist

Many Cabo Verdeans own or have household access to tools for e-learning during the COVID-19 pandemic – televisions, radios, mobile phones, and computers – but rural and poor households are at a significant disadvantage, a new Afrobarometer survey shows.

Most of the country’s mobile phones have access to the Internet, and a majority of citizens go online every day, the survey shows. But substantial rural-urban and poverty gaps persist in device ownership, Internet access, and Internet use.


WP185: Age-group differences in social and political interactions in Africa

Differences in age play an important role in social interaction across the African continent. However, the social effects of these differences remain understudied. Using Afrobarometer data, we investigate how age differences between interviewers and respondents may shape how respondents answer questions across Africa. We explore three mechanisms through which age differences may induce response-pattern variation.


PP66: Africa’s digital divide and the promise of e-learning

According to UNESCO (2020), approximately 1.2 billion students and youth worldwide are affected by school and university closures because of the COVID-19 pandemic. To adjust to these new circumstances, governments must develop innovative solutions to ensure inclusive learning opportunities during this period of unprecedented educational disruption.


BP140: Gouvernance, corruption et confiance a l’egard des institutions a Madagascar : Experience, perception et attentes de la population

La trajectoire de Madagascar sur longue période se caractérise par des crises sociopolitiques récurrentes (en 1972, 1991, 2001 et 2009) qui ont à chaque fois entraîné la chute du pouvoir en place et ont interrompu les dynamiques économiques positives amorcées (Razafindrakoto et alii, 2013). La dernière crise qui a débuté à la fin de 2008, et dont l'issue reste à ce jour incertaine malgré l'organisation des élections présidentielles et législatives au dernier trimestre 2013, a entrainé des conséquences dramatiques dans les domaines économiques et sociaux.


BP139: Democratie et reformes institutionnelles : Perceptions et attentes des Beninois

Après plus de 20 ans d’expérience démocratique au Bénin, la révision de la Constitution du 11 décembre 1990 est mise en débat au sein de la classe politique et de la société civile. Ce débat se cristallise autour du nombre de mandats présidentiels et des conditions d’éligibilité des futurs présidents.


La situation des ex-combattants préoccupe les Ivoiriens

Selon la plus récente enquête d’Afrobaromètre en Côte d’Ivoire, sept Ivoiriens sur dix (69%) suggèrent que les ex-combattants soient insérés par le financement d’activités génératrices de revenu.

Selon l’enquête menée en Août-Septembre 2014, seul un ivoirien sur quatre pense qu’ils doivent être intégrés dans l’administration publique (Douane, Gendarmerie…) et cela indépendamment du sexe du répondant, même si les urbains y sont plus favorables que les


Les Malgaches trouvent que la réconciliation nationale est une priorité pour le pays, et que celle-ci doit être menée par les autorités religieuses

La dernière enquête Afrobaromètre à Madagascar indique que  9 Malgaches sur 10 (90% de la  population) sont d’accord sur le fait que la  réconciliation nationale devrait  constituer une priorité pour le pays. Par ailleurs, une majorité pense que cette  réconciliation devrait être conduite par les  autorités  religieuses.


University of Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland (UBLS) Association Conference

Afrobarometer national investigator in Lesotho, Libuseng Malephane will present a paper on ethnic homogeneity, solidarity and social cohesion in Lesotho using the latest Afrobarometer data.

When: Thursday, 3 Sep 2015; All day

Where: Maseru, Lesotho (Lehakoe Recreation Club)

Topic: Conference on solidarity and social cohesion using the latest Afrobarometer data.


AD34: Les Togolais acceptent les différences sociales à l’exception de celles d’orientation sexuelle

Les Togolais sont célèbres pour leur hospitalité. Ce constat est-il encore vrai de nos jours? Qu’en est-il de la tolérance envers les personnes de religion différente, d’un autre groupe ethnique, d’une autre nationalité, d’orientation sexuelle différente, et de ceux qui vivent avec le VIH/SIDA?


Mauritians are tolerant of ethnic and religious diversity but less of people living with HIV/AIDS and homosexuals

Afrobarometer’s latest survey shows that Mauritians seem to accept the multi-ethnic and multicultural character of their society and have strong feeling of belonging to the Mauritian nation.

Moreover, the majority of Mauritians do not have any resentment with regards to living in an ethnically and religiously heterogeneous neighbourhood. Most Mauritians did not exhibit xenophobic attitudes and stated that they would live next to immigrants or foreign workers easily
and without fear.


AD28: Mauritians welcome ethnic/religious diversity but are less tolerant of homosexuals and people living with HIV/AIDS

Despite their multiplicity of ethnic/cultural (European, African, Indian, Chinese) and religious (Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist) backgrounds, Mauritians have experienced few incidents of ethnic or religious violence. The last major incident dates back to 1999, when the popular Creole musician Kaya was found dead whilst in police custody, triggering riots against the mostly Hindu police and fights between Creoles and Hindus. Since then, the country has lived in relative harmony through three successive national elections.


South Africans bemoan the presence of foreigners in their spaces

The most recent attacks on foreigners in Soweto and Kagiso that resulted in the deaths of 6 people and the looting of over 70 foreign owned shops, raises critical questions about the security of foreigners in a country that prides itself in the philosophy of Ubuntu. In the latest round of the South African leg of the Afrobarometer Survey, a substantial majority (88%) of respondents reported distrust of foreigners living in their country.


Intolerance of same-sex relationships still strong in Botswana

A majority of Batswana would object to working or worshipping with someone who is in a same-sex relationship, but such intolerance is less pronounced among younger citizens, according to a new Afrobarometer survey.

The 2014 survey also shows that intolerance for same-sex orientation is stronger in rural areas than in urban areas.

These findings coincide with the recent High Court victory of the Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO) allowing the organisation to be recognised and registered by the Director of National Registration.


BP128: Basotho’s difficulties accessing household services from the Government

Some essential government services, ranging from piped water to electricity, are the cornerstone of proper living. The ease with which people access services affects their quality of life. Election campaigns usually revolve around promises to give the people easy access to services. People often vote a particular party into government primarily because people hope that the party is more poised than others to provide a set of desired services.


BP112: Citizen perceptions of migration in South Africa

The Afrobarometer has been tracking public attitudes towards foreigners resident in South Africa since 2008 because of a vigorous public debate on immigration controls, attacks on foreigners from other African states and accusations of xenophobia. This bulletin reports response to the questions asked in Afrobarometer Round 5 which explores these attitudes as well as drawing public perception on this issue from the 2008 survey for comparison purposes.


BP87: Economic conditions, living conditions and poverty in Mozambique

Since the 1990s, Mozambique has been realizing the benefits the economic policy shifts of the late 1980s, including structural adjustment, privatization and liberalization, and conservative fiscal and monetary policies.  By the late 1990s, Mozambqiue had “recorded some of the highest levels of annual economic growth in Africa, averaging 6 to 10 percent per annum”.   And with exception of the rapid price rises in the flood years of 2000 and 2001, inflation has been brought down to single digits.


BP71: Popular appraisals of socio-economic conditions in Liberia, 2008

This paper seeks to present a snapshot of what ordinary Liberians think about the country’s current economic conditions, their appraisals of the government’s efforts to manage the economy, and their perceptions of how the country’s economic situation is changing over time, using data from the first Afrobarometer survey conducted in Liberia in 2008. 


BP8: Africans' views of international organizations

Africans live in a globalized world.  But are they aware of the United Nations and other international organizations?  If so, how do they evaluate the performance of these organizations?

For the first time in 2002-3, Round 2 Afrobarometer* surveys included a question on this subject. The exact wording is:  “Giving marks out of ten, where 0 is very badly and 10 is very well, how well do you think the following institutions do their jobs?  Or haven’t you heard enough about the institutions to have an opinion?”


WP145: Another resource curse? The impact of remittances on political participation

International remittances have grown dramatically over the past few decades. Existing scholarship on the impact of remittances has focused on their socioeconomic effects. This article focuses instead on the political impact of remittances, and in particular, its effect on political participation. Recent work on Mexico suggests that remittances may be a resource curse. They insulate recipients from local economic conditions, weaken the link between government performance and individual well-being, and reduce incentives to participate in politics.