Angolans are evenly divided in their assessment of President João Lourenço's performance in office, the most recent Afrobarometer survey shows. While detractors match admirers when it comes to his job performance, a majority of citizens say that Lourenço, who became president in September 2017 after the 38-year rule of José Eduardo dos Santos, rarely or never ignores the National Assembly or the country’s laws. A majority of Angolans also endorse the rule of law, saying that the president “must always obey the laws and the courts, even if he thinks they are wrong.”
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Os angolanos estão igualmente divididos na avaliação que fazem do desempenho do Presidente João Lourenço, revelam os dados da recente pesquisa do Afrobarometer.
Embora os detractores igualem-se aos admiradores no que diz respeito a avaliação do desempenho do Presidente João Lourenço, a maioria dos cidadãos afirma que ele, depois de assumir a presidência da República aos 26 de setembro de 2017 após os 38 anos de governação de José Eduardo dos Santos, raramente ou nunca ignora a Assembleia Nacional ou as leis do país.
Most Sierra Leoneans say their members of Parliament (MPs) are ineffective, rarely visit or help their constituents, and are untrustworthy, a new Afrobarometer survey shows.
Survey respondents’ negative assessments add up to a scathing indictment of parliamentarian performance. While citizens want MPs to listen to their constituents, represent their needs, and deliver jobs and development to their communities, a majority of survey respondents say their MPs are ineffective at these tasks, as well as at making laws for the good of the country.
Kenyans overwhelmingly favour a government that follows the law even if it conflicts with the will of its supporters, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey.
The survey also finds strong support among Kenyans for respect of the law and courts by the president.
Only one in 10 citizens say a government that enjoys popular support “should be free to do whatever the people want, even if it is outside the law.”
Selon une nouvelle enquête d’Afrobarometer, les Maliens font plus confiance envers les leaders traditionnels et religieux qu’envers le Président de la République et les institutions étatiques – à l’exception des forces de défense.
Moins de la moitié des Maliens font « partiellement » ou « beaucoup » confiance au Président Ibrahim Boubacar Kéïta, qui a entamé son second mandat de cinq ans en septembre 2018. L’absence de confiance envers le président est plus accentuée dans les régions affectées par l’insécurité.
Lesotho’s ruling coalition parties and Parliament have suffered sharp declines in popular trust along with the country’s former prime minister, according to the latest Afrobarometer survey.
Perceptions of official corruption have skyrocketed, and an overwhelming majority of citizens said they distrust and/or disapprove of the performance of the ruling All Basotho Convention (ABC) party and Parliament as well as of former Prime Minister Thomas Thabane.
Two-thirds of Basotho would support abolishing elections and Parliament in favour of rule by the King, a new Afrobarometer survey shows.
The finding seems to confirm and extend a 2017 Afrobarometer survey finding that three-fourths (75%) of citizens wanted the King to “have more say on issues of national importance.”
Religious leaders enjoy greater popular trust in Angola than other key institutions and leaders, the latest Afrobarometer survey shows, suggesting they could be valuable conduits for public information during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Angolan Armed Forces and traditional leaders follow religious leaders in trustworthiness, ahead of elected leaders and state institutions, according to survey respondents.
Os líderes religiosos desfrutam de maior confiança popular em Angola do que outros líderes e instituições importantes, de acordo com os dados da pesquisa do Afrobarometer. Esta constatação sugere que eles podem ser um canal valioso de disseminação de informações públicas durante a pandemia do COVID-19.
As Forças Armadas Angolanas e as autoridades tradicionais seguem os líderes religiosos em termos de confiabilidade, à frente dos líderes eleitos e das instituições estatais, de acordo com os entrevistados.
Most Africans still say they want democracy. Fewer are getting the democracy they want. And even fewer insist enough on improving their democracies that they’re likely to help their nations guard against authoritarian backsliding.
Originally posted on The Monkey Cage Blog.
Most Africans still want democracy, but fewer than one in six qualify as “dissatisfied democrats” who will protect against authoritarian backsliding, a new Afrobarometer study reveals.
Parliament of Uganda. Photo by Nicolas Bamulanzeki, photo journalist at Observer weekly newspaper, [email protected]om)
At a glance
Many Ugandans fear becoming victims of political intimidation or violence during elections.
A majority think that they have to be careful about what they say about politics and which political organisations they join, and that the freedom of the opposition to function is more constrained now than it was a few years ago.
Fear and experience of domestic insecurity are high.
Solid majorities say the armed forces keep the country safe and are professional and respectful to citizens.
Zimbabwe’s political crisis will play out against a backdrop of substantial public trust in the army but a clear rejection of military rule in favour of democracy.
Almost two-thirds of Zimbabweans said in an Afrobarometer survey in January-February 2017 that they trust the army at least “somewhat.” But even more said they disapprove of military rule and prefer democracy over any other political system.
Importantly, respondents overwhelmingly said they feel “not very free” or “not at all free” to criticize the army.
As Botswana approaches 2019 elections that will determine President Ian Khama’s successor and challenge the half-century rule of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) a bill requiring the use of electronic voting machines has sparked increasing controversy.
At a glance
Trust: Most Malawians trust religious leaders and the Malawi Defence Force, but only about one in three trust the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), the ruling party, or the president.
Democracy and freedoms: A majority of Malawians say their country is “not a democracy” or “a democracy with major problems.”
Just under half of South Africa's adult citizens think that the country's new system of local government is working well. Moreover, the level of popular approval varies sharply across provinces and may be declining over time. With reference to overall local government performance, rural residents are less likely to be satisfied than urban dwellers; and Blacks tend to be less satisfied than people of other races.
Later this year, after 12 years in office, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf will step down as president of Liberia and Africa’s first female head of state, having completed her maximum of two terms. Sirleaf, who came to power after decades of underdevelopment, tyranny, and civil conflict in Liberia, will leave a legacy that has won international acclaim – including the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize – for progress in rebuilding infrastructure, strengthening health care and education, helping to bring warlord Charles Taylor to justice, and seeing the country through the 2014-2015 Ebola epidemic (Lane, 2016).
Three-fourths of Ugandans favour maintaining an age limit of 75 years for presidential candidates, a recent Afrobarometer survey shows.
How does civil war affect society and citizen interaction with politics? Civilians who live through warfare face numerous challenges that can have permanent effects on society even after peace is achieved.
This project uses the Liberian civil wars as a case study to examine the impact of war through one channel – disruptions in education for an entire generation of children. The paper shows that negative effects of war on education and economic outcomes clash with citizen expectations for post-war democracy, leading to negative consequences for the democratization process.
Zimbabwe’s economic meltdown remains an enormous challenge affecting citizens from all walks of life. The government’s 2009 introduction of various foreign currencies was welcomed by many Zimbabweans who, after years of hyperinflation, witnessed a stabilization in general consumer prices. But with lagging economic growth and a continuing drought, the country now faces deflation and has even experienced reverse urbanization due to a lack of opportunities in the cities (African Development Bank, 2016, 326).
At a glance
Overall direction of the country: A majority of Zimbabweans think the country is heading in the wrong direction.
Trust in leaders: Zimbabweans generally trust their leaders and key institutions except for opposition and government’s revenue collection agency (ZIMRA).
Incidence of lived poverty: Shortage of cash continues to be a major challenge for Zimbabweans across all walks of life.
Almost three-fourths of adult Zimbabweans trust religious leaders and non-governmental organisations the most in the country. The least trusted institutions are the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority and opposition political parties. This data is from the latest Afrobarometer survey and is being released at a time when there is a proliferation of church organisations and much intra-party fights among the opposition political parties in Zimbabwe ahead of the 2018 harmonised elections.
A majority of Zimbabweans are pessimistic about the overall direction that the country is according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey. This data shows that perceptions of the country’s direction are determined by a number of demographic variables including gender, urban or rural location, education and province.
A huge majority of adult Zimbabweans say the government is performing badly in terms of creating jobs, according to the most recent Afrobarometer survey. Asked to rate the performance of the government on 18 different performance majorities, citizens also negatively rate government performance in many other areas such as maintenance of roads and bridges, narrowing income gaps, fighting corruption and improving the living standards of the poor.
Ugandans overwhelmingly support proposed reforms aimed at improving Parliament and elections, a new Afrobarometer survey shows.
Almost all adult Ugandans support a call to improve electoral transparency, especially during vote tallying, transmission, and declaration. Similarly, huge majorities favour a national dialogue to resolve the political impasse following the 2016 elections, a reduction in the size of Parliament to save taxpayers money, and a tightening of laws on campaign financing and accountability.
At a glance
- Overwhelming public support for reform: Large majorities favour reform proposals designed to improve Parliament and elections.
- Cross-cutting support: Support for reform transcends political and demographic differences.
- Most popular reforms: Improving electoral transparency, reducing size of Parliament, and launching a national dialogue over 2016 elections are among the most strongly supported proposals.
In early 2016, five years after the beginning of the Arab Spring, the Economist (2016) reported that hopes raised by the uprisings had been destroyed. “The wells of despair are overflowing,” the newspaper said, the uprisings having brought “nothing but woe.” In addition to stagnant economic growth, rent-seeking was “rampant,” security forces continued to repress the population, and grounds were more fertile than ever for the emergence of radicals “who posit their own brutal vision of Islamic Utopia as the only solution.”
Following decades of authoritarian rule, multiparty democracy re-emerged in a “wave” of democratization in sub-Saharan Africa during the early 1990s. Twenty-nine countries in the region held founding elections – first competitive elections after an authoritarian period – between 1989 and 1994, of which 16 led to full democratic transitions (Bratton, 1997). Notable successes include Namibia (1989), Cape Verde (1991), Ghana (1992), and South Africa (1994), which a generation later are ranked among Africa’s politically “free” countries (Freedom House, 2016).