Afrobarometer conducted a public perception survey between 22 March and 5th April, 2014 which covered trust in public institutions and corruption among public officials. This press release is meant to highlight the key findings in those two areas as a way of informing public debate and policy.
Basotho perceive an increased level of corruption in the past year, with the highest levels of perceived corruption among the police and business executives, according to Afrobarometer’s most recent survey. Survey results show that citizens are divided in their assessment of the government’s handling of the fight against corruption.
A majority of Kenyans say corruption has increased over the past year and the government has performed poorly in fighting it, the latest Afrobarometer survey indicates.
The police, government officials, members of Parliament, and business executives are most widely perceived as corrupt.
Most Ghanaians perceive “some,” “most,” or “all” of their government, law enforcement, and judicial officials as corrupt, according to the latest findings of the Afrobarometer survey. A majority of citizens gave the same assessment of informal leaders such as business executives and traditional and religious leaders.
Afrobarometer’s latest survey shows that although Mauritians still trust their political institutions, they are increasingly concerned about corruption.
In this context, six in 10 (60%) Mauritians said in the latest report by the Independent Commission against Corruption that it was their opinion that high level and small scale corruption had increased over the past three years and the same number believed that corruption could only worsen and a fourth (26.8%) did not expect a change.
Batswana express support for a law on declaration of assets and want the president and officials to appear before Parliament to account, according to the findings of the latest Afrobarometer survey. The survey, conducted in June 2014, also reveals that just over half of Batswana say that the level of corruption has increased over the past year.
In the Round 5 Afrobarometer survey in Uganda, 74% of Ugandans said the country was headed in the wrong direction. This was a dramatic change from just one year earlier, when 28% said Uganda was headed in the wrong direction. Analysis of these findings suggests that this perception is fuelled by several factors, including dissatisfaction with prevailing economic conditions and declining personal living conditions (see Afrobarometer Briefing Paper No. 101).
Corruption is a growing concern in South Africa. Cases of alleged corruption of government officials are detailed in the news media on a regular basis, and include allegations targeted at the highest levels of government.The Afrobarometer survey has been tracking public attitudes towards corruption since 2000. This bulletin outlines relevant results from the Afrobarometer survey (Round 5), conducted between October and November 2011 in South Africa, and compares them to findings from several previous surveys.
Madagascans view corruption as an endemic problem affecting the entire administrative and political life of their country. However, a number of indications point to improvements in this area since 2005. First of all, there are now fewer critics of the current situation than there were in 2005. Secondly, the real incidence of corruption (i.e. the number of individuals personally affected by corruption) has significantly declined. However, the proportion of undecided respondents has increased significantly, suggesting a degree of helplessness.
In the late 1990s and early 2000s, South Africa’ elite corruption busting units such as the Heath Commission and the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions investigated and successfully prosecuted a range of top level figures in the country’s ruling African National Congress. Public perceptions of corruption as measured in the 2002 and 2004 Afrobarometer surveys then fell rapidly from the very high levels measured between 1995 and 2000.
The Government of Tanzania has been battling against corruption since the early days of independence, and the efforts have been re-doubled in the last seven years with the adoption of a new and comprehensive anti-corruption strategy. Is the Tanzanian public rating these government efforts as a success?
Kenya’s NARC government rode to victory in the 2002 elections in part on the coalition’s promise to tackle the country’s deeply-rooted corruption problem. Prior to the transition, Kenya was perceived as a virtual international pariah due to extreme levels of corruption, leading the IMF to freeze its lending to Kenya in 1997. In 2002, Kenya ranked 96th out of 102 countries according to Transparency International’s annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), with a score of 1.9 out of 10.
Generalizations about African societies being pervasively corrupt are refuted in this innovative paper. Among 25,397 Afrobarometer respondents in 18 countries, 26% report paying a bribe, while 74% do not. Five hypotheses offer explanations: institutional context, inequalities of socio-economic resources, social inclusion and exclusion, social and political capital, and conflicting norms. Multilevel statistical analysis identifies as most important: contextual differences in colonial legacies, ethnic politicization, service provision, press freedom, and having social or political capital.
Corruption is a major source of slow development in Africa – the poorest region of the world. While extant research has focused on the causes and consequences of corruption at the macro-level, less effort has been devoted to understanding the micro-foundation of corruption, as well as the mechanisms through which poverty may be related to corruption and bribery. In this paper, we develop a simple model of the relationship between poverty and corruption. The model suggests that poor people are more likely to be victims of corrupt behavior by street-level government bureaucrats.
In February 2011, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni further extended his already twenty-five-year tenure by winning a resounding re-election victory. In the aftermath of the vote, which many had earlier predicted would be competitive or even result in an opposition victory, analysts and opposition supporters ascribed Museveni’s victory to his government’s massive pre-election spending on public goods, and to supposedly widespread vote-buying practices.