In a stable political environment since independence in 1968, Mauritius transformed itself from a low-income country dependent on sugar into an upper-middle-income country with growing wealth creation from financial services, tourism, and other service sectors (World Bank, 2017).
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Depuis l’attaque par les rebelles touaregs et le coup d’état de 2012, le Mali a sombré dans des conflits et une crise qui perdurent jusqu’à ce jour. Malgré le retour du pouvoir aux civils, l’élection d’Ibrahim Boubacar Keita en août 2013, et l’implication de forces internationales, la crise a fait beaucoup de victimes, avec l’instauration pendant plusieurs mois de la chariah dans le Nord et la multiplication de groupes rebelles favorisée par le flux d’armes causé par la crise libyenne.
Information is the lifeblood of political accountability. Without reliable, timely information, citizens are unable to evaluate and constructively engage with what their government is doing. If such information is absent, willfully denied, physically inaccessible, or not available in a format that is understandable to users, public accountability is undermined (ANSA-EAP, 2017).
Since Muhammadu Buhari became president in May 2015, Nigerians have witnessed a series of investigations into alleged corruption by past and present government officials, including high-profile cases involving the former minister of petroleum and a former national security adviser (Al Jazeera, 2017; Vanguard, 2016; Oyibode, 2017).
Two forms of lawless violence dominated headlines in Ghana in 2017, though neither was new: mob “justice” applied to suspected criminals and vigilantism by disgruntled politicalparty thugs.
Mauritius’ commitment to good governance is embodied in its Ministry of Financial Services and Good Governance, created after the Alliance Lepep came to power in 2014 (Fakun, 2016). The Ibrahim Index of African Governance vouches for the quality of Mauritius’ democracy by ranking the country as the best-governed country in Africa in its 2017 report (Mo Ibrahim Foundation, 2017).
In his final State of the Nation Address, delivered in November 2017, President Ian Khama offered a positive economic outlook for Botswana, citing a recovery to 4.3% growth in 2016 and projected growth of 4.7% and 5.3% in 2017-2018 (Khama, 2017). But while reporting some gains in employment and training programs, he was less bullish about job creation than he had been a year earlier, when he promised “job creation … increasingly linked to private sector growth, with government playing an enabling role” (Khama, 2016).
Last August, Kenya made headlines by banning the use of plastic bags (Guardian, 2017) – a drastic measure, but just one of many steps that have moved the country into a leadership role on the path toward a sustainable environment. Among other actions, Kenya – headquarters for the United Nations Environment Programme – has been a strong advocate for the Paris Climate Accord and worked to implement a 2016 Climate Change Act that aims to ensure a healthy environment for its citizens (Bwire, 2017; Capital News, 2017).
Over the past decade, Uganda has emerged as a success story of African development. Economic growth and diversification, relative political stability, and considerable investment in infrastructure have seen the country rise as a regional power (Murray, Mesfin, & Wolters, 2016). But to many international observers, this success is dimmed by the long rule of President Yoweri Museveni and a political system that has been described as “dictatorship light” (Gettleman, 2016). While elections are conducted regularly, many have questioned how free they are.
As a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Beijing Platform of Action, and the Southern African Development Community’s Declaration on Gender and Development, Zimbabwe has taken significant steps toward gender equity.
L’actualité ivoirienne a été à plusieurs reprises marquée par des informations relatives à l’insécurité. Pour n’en citer que certaines, le phénomène des « enfants en confit avec la loi » qui est apparu à la suite du conflit armé de 2011, perpétrant des vols et agressions sur la population, aussi bien que les récentes mutineries et autres évasions de prisonniers et attaques de commissariats qui ont ponctués l’actualité.
Les autorités ivoiriennes se sont engagées à adresser de manière efficace et durable la question de l’emploi. Cette dernière touche de manière endémique aussi bien les différentes tranches d’âge que le milieu de résidence, le sexe, ou le niveau d’instruction. C’est pourquoi la recherche d’une solution tient une place de choix dans les objectifs définis par le gouvernement à travers le Plan National de Développement (2016-2020). Cependant, force est de constater que les questions soulevées par l’emploi restent entières tant elles semblent se reproduire à l’identique.
The government of the United Republic of Tanzania has stepped up its game against corruption, with greater publicization of anti-corruption efforts, shored-up law enforcement, increased judiciary budgets, and expedited adjudication of corruption cases (John, 2016; Daily News, 2017; Citizen, 2016; Guardian, 2017).
Under the one-party reign of President Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Malawi was described as a country “where silence rules” (Carver, 1990) because of the regime’s effective machinery for squashing dissent. This era ended with a 1993 referendum endorsing a multiparty democracy and constitution enshrining freedom of expression and of association (Malawi Government, 1994).
Uganda’s constitution promises citizens a great range of freedoms and rights (of expression, association, privacy, religion, etc.) and charges the government with ensuring public security. When these two priorities – freedom and security – are perceived to clash, debates can become heated between friends, in the news media, in Parliament, and in the courts.
Gender equality is a principle of sustainable development that is globally acknowledged by United Nations and regional agencies, development partners, and national governments. Although the principle is operationalized through policies, legal provisions, and programs in most jurisdictions, implementation and experience vary across regions and countries, and in most cases fall short of the goal. As the United Nations Development Programme notes in its 2016 Africa Human Development Report, “gender equality for African women and girls is still far from satisfactory” (UNDP, 2016).
Kenya and the other member states of the East African Community (EAC) are doing considerably better economically than most countries in sub-Saharan Africa (IMF, 2017). Kenya continues to be rated among the best-performing sub-Saharan economies, with a gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of 5.8% in 2016. This impressive performance is attributed to lower oil prices, improved tea and horticulture exports, infrastructure growth, and increased remittance inflows (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2017; Kerry, 2017).
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En Côte d’Ivoire comme dans nombre de pays, la question de la lutte contre la corruption est centrale tant son effet négatif n’est plus à démontrer. La création en 2013 de la Haute Autorité pour la Bonne Gouvernance, en tant qu’organe de prévention et de lutte contre la corruption, semblait marquer une réelle volonté politique des autorités à contrer ce fléau. Cependant, force est de constater que pour les Ivoiriens, la corruption a encore de beaux jours devant elle.
Access to justice for ordinary citizens is a key component of the rule of law and democracy. Mali was once considered a democratic frontrunner on the continent, but political instability and insecurity in recent years have revealed democracy’s foothold as tenuous. The state’s weakness has raised concerns about the quality and extent of democratic practices and institutions, including the extent to which rule of law and access to justice have taken root in the country.
As Botswana approaches 2019 elections that will determine President Ian Khama’s successor and challenge the half-century rule of the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) a bill requiring the use of electronic voting machines has sparked increasing controversy.
Ugandans view social services as the most important problems facing the country and the areas in greatest need of additional government investment, according to citizens’ responses in national Afrobarometer surveys. Yet government budget allocations have not reflected the high priority that citizens assign to these problems. Over the past eight years, budget allocations for health care, education, and water and electricity supply have barely increased, despite observed annual growth in the national expenditure (National Budget Information Library, 2008-2016).
International observers see Togo’s judicial system as suffering from heavy political influence by the presidency, including lengthy pretrial detention for political opponents and impunity for political friends (Freedom House, 2016; U.S. State Department, 2015).
The most recent national elections in Malawi (2014) were highly contested, and the results were heavily disputed. Whilst vote counting was in process, then-President Joyce Banda announced that she had nullified the elections and called for new elections because of grave irregularities and allegations of rigging.
The negative effects of corruption on development are well documented (Lambsdorff, 2004; Açkay, 2006; Runde, Hameed, & Magpile, 2014; Banerjee, 2016). Malawi’s establishment of an Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) in 1995 underlined the government’s acknowledgement of the problem and determination to deal with it. In 2008, the National Anti-Corruption Strategy (NACS) was launched to provide a holistic multi-stakeholder front against corruption. At the time, it was estimated that the country was losing one-third of its revenue through corruption (Government of Malawi, 2008).