This paper seeks to present a snapshot of what ordinary Liberians think about the country’s current economic conditions, their appraisals of the government’s efforts to manage the economy, and their perceptions of how the country’s economic situation is changing over time, using data from the first Afrobarometer survey conducted in Liberia in 2008.
Since the 1990s, Mozambique has been realizing the benefits the economic policy shifts of the late 1980s, including structural adjustment, privatization and liberalization, and conservative fiscal and monetary policies. By the late 1990s, Mozambqiue had “recorded some of the highest levels of annual economic growth in Africa, averaging 6 to 10 percent per annum”. And with exception of the rapid price rises in the flood years of 2000 and 2001, inflation has been brought down to single digits.
Elections are a means for realising some of the core values of democracy, especially participation of the citizenry, which helps to ensure quality governance and accountability on the part of elected officials. The quality of elections therefore provides an indicator of the extent to which democratic governance has been consolidated. The analyses in this paper indicate a significant relationship between citizens’ evaluation of the quality of their national elections and (1) satisfaction with democracy, and (2) trust in political institutions.
The Afrobarometer has been tracking public attitudes towards foreigners resident in South Africa since 2008 because of a vigorous public debate on immigration controls, attacks on foreigners from other African states and accusations of xenophobia. This bulletin reports response to the questions asked in Afrobarometer Round 5 which explores these attitudes as well as drawing public perception on this issue from the 2008 survey for comparison purposes.
Some essential government services, ranging from piped water to electricity, are the cornerstone of proper living. The ease with which people access services affects their quality of life. Election campaigns usually revolve around promises to give the people easy access to services. People often vote a particular party into government primarily because people hope that the party is more poised than others to provide a set of desired services.
Africans live in a globalized world. But are they aware of the United Nations and other international organizations? If so, how do they evaluate the performance of these organizations?
For the first time in 2002-3, Round 2 Afrobarometer* surveys included a question on this subject. The exact wording is: “Giving marks out of ten, where 0 is very badly and 10 is very well, how well do you think the following institutions do their jobs? Or haven’t you heard enough about the institutions to have an opinion?”
An Afrobarometer survey was conducted for the first time in Liberia in 2008. The findings enable us to assess popular opinions on land disputes and the likely consequences for peace and stability in Liberia.
Botswana is an electoral democracy and has been led by the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) since independence in 1966. The country is recognised for upholding democratic
principles and has continuously received high ratings by the Ibrahim Index of African Governance and Freedom House. Botswana’s constitution embraces the protection of
fundamental rights and freedoms of expression, assembly, and association. However, some sexual acts, including certain same-sex acts, are illegal.
A majority of Batswana would object to working or worshipping with someone who is in a same-sex relationship, but such intolerance is less pronounced among younger citizens, according to a new Afrobarometer survey.
The 2014 survey also shows that intolerance for same-sex orientation is stronger in rural areas than in urban areas.
These findings coincide with the recent High Court victory of the Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals of Botswana (LEGABIBO) allowing the organisation to be recognised and registered by the Director of National Registration.
The most recent attacks on foreigners in Soweto and Kagiso that resulted in the deaths of 6 people and the looting of over 70 foreign owned shops, raises critical questions about the security of foreigners in a country that prides itself in the philosophy of Ubuntu. In the latest round of the South African leg of the Afrobarometer Survey, a substantial majority (88%) of respondents reported distrust of foreigners living in their country.
Despite their multiplicity of ethnic/cultural (European, African, Indian, Chinese) and religious (Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist) backgrounds, Mauritians have experienced few incidents of ethnic or religious violence. The last major incident dates back to 1999, when the popular Creole musician Kaya was found dead whilst in police custody, triggering riots against the mostly Hindu police and fights between Creoles and Hindus. Since then, the country has lived in relative harmony through three successive national elections.
Afrobarometer’s latest survey shows that Mauritians seem to accept the multi-ethnic and multicultural character of their society and have strong feeling of belonging to the Mauritian nation.
Moreover, the majority of Mauritians do not have any resentment with regards to living in an ethnically and religiously heterogeneous neighbourhood. Most Mauritians did not exhibit xenophobic attitudes and stated that they would live next to immigrants or foreign workers easily
and without fear.
Due to a coding error, initial Afrobarometer reports misstated Zambians’ views on whether a husband should have the right to physically discipline his wife and whether parents and teachers should have the right to physically punish children.
Here are the corrected findings from Afrobarometer Round 6 survey in Zambia.
An overwhelming majority of Zambian women and men disapprove of the use of physical force to discipline wives or children, Afrobarometer’s most recent survey has revealed.
Findings on poverty, inequality and unemployment from Afrobarometer Surveys in South Africa.
Afrobarometer national investigator in Lesotho, Libuseng Malephane will present a paper on ethnic homogeneity, solidarity and social cohesion in Lesotho using the latest Afrobarometer data.
When: Thursday, 3 Sep 2015; All day
Where: Maseru, Lesotho (Lehakoe Recreation Club)
Topic: Conference on solidarity and social cohesion using the latest Afrobarometer data.
Les Togolais sont célèbres pour leur hospitalité. Ce constat est-il encore vrai de nos jours? Qu’en est-il de la tolérance envers les personnes de religion différente, d’un autre groupe ethnique, d’une autre nationalité, d’orientation sexuelle différente, et de ceux qui vivent avec le VIH/SIDA?
This paper tests some of Robert Cox's theories of political and social transformation using data from Round 1 (1999-2001) surveys in seven Southern African countries. Cox categorizes individuals as either "marginalised," "precarious" or "integrated" with respect to the political and economic world order, and hypothesizes that those who are marginalized or excluded are more inclined to pose a challenge to the status quo than the precarious and integrated.
Ethnicity is a central theme in the analysis of Nigerian politics. Conventional approaches to ethnic politics in Nigeria often assume the existence of stable identities and consistent group motives. It is also commonly asserted that Nigerian political behavior is driven by ethnic solidarities. Ethnic political parties, clientelism, and social polarization are all associated with strong communal allegiances. These practices are regarded as inherently corrosive to a plural democracy.
I explore public perceptions of corruption in the Senegalese case using public opinion survey data collected by the Afrobarometer in 2005. The primary questions I ask in this paper are: what can we learn by asking citizens to report their perceptions of corruption in social and political surveys as compared to a sort of ethnographic approach? What do these survey questions tell us about citizens’ perceptions and experiences with corruption in the Senegalese case? Finally, how do perceptions of corruption vary between individuals, and within the national state?
This paper addresses the corruption-trust nexus with survey data and statistical methods. Data are drawn from the Afrobarometer, a comparative series of national public attitude surveys on democracy, markets and civil society in selected African countries. This paper confirms that corruption is a major, perhaps the major, obstacle to building popular trust in state institutions and electoral processes in Africa.
South Africa is widely seen as a leading, if not paradigmatic, success story of the Third Wave of Democracy. This success is just as widely attributed to the country’s supposedly wise choice of new democratic institutions that averted ethnic civil war and induced all key contenders to buy into the new democratic dispensation.
This article uses data from the Afrobarometer—an individual-level survey that has been conducted in 18 countries across Sub-Saharan Africa—to explore the nature of social capital and its relationship to political violence. Building on and extending this prior literature, we seek to assess whether different aspects of social capital influence the nature and prevalence of political violence, and their potential precursors and enabling conditions, in the African context.
Analysts of African political party systems frequently assert that political parties and party system development are central to the effective functioning and eventual consolidation of democracy on the continent. Due to both lack of data and elite bias, analysts have overlooked a critical link in the chain of party system evolution: mass attitudes toward political parties generally, and towards opposition parties in particular. Afrobarometer data reveals that there is, on average, a very large (20-percentage point) gap in levels of public trust between ruling and opposition parties.
It is widely believed that efforts to overcome the collective action problem are more likely to s쳮d when the level of social capital is high. The analysis in this paper is based on Afrobarometer survey data gathered for Ghana and Nigeria. The statistical analysis explores the variables that influence social capital and political trust. The most important determinant of interpersonal trust in Nigeria and Ghana is trust in political institutions.
Trust is increasingly perceived as having significant effect on trade, public goods provision, conflict resolution and even democratic consolidation. In this paper we investigate the historical determinants of trust within Africa, by testing for a long-term impact of the intensity of the slave trades on the level of interpersonal trust and trust in local institutions.
This paper analyzes the impact of corruption on the extent of trust in political institutions using a rich collection of comparable data provided by the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in 18 sub-Saharan African countries. More specifically, we set out to test the "efficient grease" hypothesis that corruption can strengthen citizens' trust since bribe paying and clientelism open the door to otherwise scarce and inaccessible services and subsidies, and that this increases institutional trust. Our findings reject this theoretical argument.
Why would politicians give up power over the allocation of critical resources to community leaders? This article examines why many African governments have ceded power over the allocation of land to non-elected traditional leaders. In contrast to the existing literature, which suggests traditional leaders’ power is a hang-over from the colonial period that has not been eliminated due to weak state capacity, I argue that African politicians often choose to devolve power to traditional leaders as a means of mobilizing electoral support from non-coethnics.